Mugabe's Zimbabwe: The Impossible Country (20 images)

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  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> An unidentified man gestures to the photographer in Nyerere Flats, poor neighbourhood in the south of Harare.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> Children of Nyerere Flats, popular district of the south zone of Harare. With a literacy of around 80%, one of the highest in Africa, the post-colonial Zimbabwe set its credentials as the "Jewel of Africa". A situation quickly deteriorating to the introduction of fees unbearable to most families and due to the exodus of teachers abroad.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 18 November 2007<br /> Shortage of supplies.<br /> Empty shop racks in a supermarket south-east of Harare, a recurring image due to the shortage of basic goods that affects the whole country.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Hotel Inn of the Vumba, Vumba Mountains, Zimbabwe<br /> 13 November 2007<br /> The bar of "Inn of the Vumba" hotel, on the border with Mozambique. Blackouts are common and affect the daily life and several sectors of Zimbabwean economy, like the once flourishing tourist industry.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 16 November 2007<br /> "Try Jesus", is written on a board in a street of Harare, Zimbabwe. One of the few choices left for those that didn't fled the dramatic economic and political situation of the country. <br /> In the last 50 years Christian mission schools have exercised much influence in the country, and most of the members of the first Cabinet of independent Zimbabwe were graduates of these schools. The Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Dutch Reformed churches are represented. Because the Roman Catholic church supported nationalist aspirations, it held a position of influence in the post-independence period.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Tzaraskewa, Zimbabwe 19 November 2007<br /> Rubble in Tzaraskewa, in the outskirts of Harare. <br /> The aftermath of "Operation Murambatsvina", the cleaning operation of shanty-towns launched by the government of Mugabe in May 2005 that, according to the UN, left 700.000 homeless people. These shanty-towns were all opposition strongholds.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> Hyperinflation, current at 8.000 %, generates eternal queues at the automatic tellers machines (ATM) of the banks. People withdraw the maximum daily amount, since they know that, the following day, the same amount of money will not even worth the paper on which it was printed.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 18 November 2007<br /> Samora Machel Avenue, downtown Harare, Zimbabwe. Due to the energy shortages, traffic lights don't work and every night most of the city centre dives into the darkness.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Leopard Rock Hotel, Vumba Mountains, Zimbabwe <br /> 15 November 2007<br /> Robert Gabriel Mugabe, "the Comrade President", is omnipresent in the life of Zimbabweans. Here, in the reception of the prestigious Leopard Rock hotel, in the eastern side of Zimbabwe, on the border with Mozambique.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 16 November 2007<br /> Guthrie Munyuki, journalist of the Daily News, shut down by Mugabe's government in 2003, who was arrested and tortured by the police when he covered an oppositions' demonstration in 2002. Currently writes for on-line editions.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 18 November 2007<br /> A tele-evangelist performs during one of the many Sunday morning TV program. In the last 50 years Christian mission schools have exercised much influence in the country, and most of the members of the first Cabinet of independent Zimbabwe were graduates of these schools. The Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Dutch Reformed churches are represented. Because the Roman Catholic church supported nationalist aspirations, it held a position of influence in the post-independence period.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> Chibuku, the stinky beer consumed by poor people, is presented in two litre plastic cans, sold at half a million Zimbabwean dollars each (less than half Euro). On this picture young guys drink it while playing snooker in a bar of Harare.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> Cameron Street, centre of Harare.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> Cameron Street, centre of Harare.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 17 November 2007<br /> People walking through the animated centre of Harare<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 18 November 2007<br /> The government is preparing to introduce the 1 million Zimbabwean dollar note, equivalent to 0.70 cent of a Euro, according to the black market exchange rate on the day this picture was taken (the official rate was 1 Euro = 41.000 Zimdollars).<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Outskirts of Chimoio, Manica province, Mozambique, (90 km away from the border with Zimbabwe) <br /> 21 November 2007<br /> Brandon Evans, 35 years old, whose farm was attacked by Mugabe's "war veterans". Mr. Evans was one of the first Zimbabwean farmers settling in Mozambique, where he produces dairy products in a property of 1200 hectares rented by the government. He said to the journalist: " Since the year 2000 the situation in Zimbabwe does not allow us to dedicate ourselves to agriculture. It would be a total madness to buy a property there, knowing that there is a strong possibility that it would be taken away from me. For this reason I installed my business in Mozambique "<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Vanduzi, Manica province, Mozambique (next to the border of Zimbabwe) <br /> 21 November 2007<br /> Kevin Gifford, 37 years old, was given 6 hours in a March 2002 day to leave the 2000 ha farm owned by his family since the late 19th century.<br /> He's the last of a group of 37 farmers who settled in this part of Mozambique after Mugabe started his land reform. He explained to the journalist why he refuses to hire any of the thousands of Zimbabweans that cross the border to look for a job in Mozambique:" Whoever didn't adopt an attitude to save the country, must pay for that. If somebody only stays to see what happens, scared of saying "stop, this also is my life", then this person must live with that. Because I defended what I believed in, which was not only a personal question, but a national preoccupation, the one about maintaining Zimbabwe as a productive country, I paid the price: that was to see my house looted and to be expulsed from my farm without any compensation. This is the reason why I don't have feelings for a Zimbabwean that has not done anything to stop what occurred, because everybody must fight to defend what is correct. "<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • Harare, Zimbabwe 18 November 2007<br /> Propaganda and manipulation. The government controls directly and indirectly all media, except for some weekly editions. <br /> The Sunday Mail puts in cover the support of the vice-president to the candidacy of Mugabe for next March elections and presents the alleged plans by Britain to invade the country.<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

  • ABOVE: Outskirts of Chimoio, Manica province, Mozambique, (90 km away from the border with Zimbabwe) <br /> 21 November 2007<br /> Brandon Evans, 35 years old, whose farm was attacked by Mugabe's "war veterans". Mr. Evans was one of the first Zimbabwean farmers settling in Mozambique, where he produces dairy products in a property of 1200 hectares rented by the government. He said to the journalist: " Since the year 2000 the situation in Zimbabwe does not allow us to dedicate ourselves to agriculture. It would be a total madness to buy a property there, knowing that there is a strong possibility that it would be taken away from me. For this reason I installed my business in Mozambique "<br /> <br /> BELOW: Vanduzi, Manica province, Mozambique (next to the border of Zimbabwe) <br /> 21 November 2007<br /> Kevin Gifford, 37 years old, was given 6 hours in a March 2002 day to leave the 2000 ha farm owned by his family since the late 19th century.<br /> He's the last of a group of 37 farmers who settled in this part of Mozambique after Mugabe started his land reform. He explained to the journalist why he refuses to hire any of the thousands of Zimbabweans that cross the border to look for a job in Mozambique:" Whoever didn't adopt an attitude to save the country, must pay for that. If somebody only stays to see what happens, scared of saying "stop, this also is my life", then this person must live with that. Because I defended what I believed in, which was not only a personal question, but a national preoccupation, the one about maintaining Zimbabwe as a productive country, I paid the price: that was to see my house looted and to be expulsed from my farm without any compensation. This is the reason why I don't have feelings for a Zimbabwean that has not done anything to stop what occurred, because everybody must fight to defend what is correct. "<br /> Photo: Ezequiel Scagnetti

Inside Zimbabwe. Inside a dictatorship that, in less than a decade, managed to turn what was once known as "Africa's jewel" into a collapsing economy, putting it's own people in agony.
An annual 8000% hyperinflation, 80% unemployed, fuel, food and electricity shortage, a flourishing black market and more than 20% of the adult population infected with HIV.
A violent, inconsequently and politically motivated land reform that reopened the racial divide and sank the country...
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